'All citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and
expression'. So states Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India. However, states
the same Article, 'reasonable restrictions' can be imposed on the right in the
interest of the 'sovereignty and integrity of India', 'friendly relations with
foreign States', 'public order', 'decency or morality', 'contempt of court', 'defamation',
or 'incitement of an offence'. It, thus, follows that the freedom of speech and
expression is not an absolute right, at least not according to the
Constitution.
The 'right to freedom of expression' has also been enshrined,
again in Article 19, of the International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights (ICCPR) - adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations (UN) on
December 16, 1966 - to which the Republic of India acceded on April 10, 1979. However,
even in the ICCPR, echoing the Constitution, the same Article states that this
right may be 'subject to certain restrictions', namely the 'respect of the
rights or reputations of others', the 'protection of national security', 'public
order', or 'public health or morals'. It would thus follow, yet again, that the
freedom of expression is not an absolute right, not even according to the
ICCPR.
However, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) - adopted by the General Assembly of the UN on December 10, 1948 - appears to be
different. Like the Constitution and the ICCPR, it has also enshrined the 'right to freedom of expression' - in Article 19 too, but unlike the earlier
documents, it places no apparent restrictions on the exercise of that right.
Does it, then, follow that the freedom of expression has finally been revealed
as an absolute right and that too, by the UDHR, no less?
To answer this question and to illustrate that answer, this
article would like to use the case study of an Op-Ed, entitled How to wipe out Islamic terror?, written
by Dr. Subramanian Swamy and published in Daily
News and Analysis on July 16, 2011. This case study has been chosen because
it had once been in the news as the reason for the removal of two courses on
Economics that Dr. Swamy teaches at the three-month Summer School session in
Harvard University.
In it, he advocates, among others, the following 'strategy' 'to negate the political goals of
Islamic terrorism in India': 'remove
the masjid in Kashi Vishwanath temple and the 300 masjids at other temple sites' and 'enact a national law prohibiting
conversion from Hinduism to any other religion...declare India a Hindu Rashtra
in which non-Hindus can vote only if they proudly acknowledge that their
ancestors were Hindus'.
While the call to 'remove' masjids may be an exercise in the 'right to freedom of expression', it also violates Article 17(2) of the UDHR,
i.e. 'no one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property'. The call to prohibit
conversion from Hinduism and disenfranchisement of all non-Hindus who do not 'proudly acknowledge' their Hindu ancestry does one better, for it not only
violates Article 18 - right to 'freedom to change his religion', but also
violates Article 2 - right to equality - and Article 21 - right to 'universal
and equal suffrage', at the very least. Finally, this 'strategy', in toto,
violates Article 30 of the UDHR, which states that nothing in the Declaration
may be interpreted 'to perform any act aimed at the destruction of any of the rights
and freedoms set forth herein'.
One
is bound to conclude, therefore, that the right to freedom of expression is not
and has never been absolute. In fact, it ceases to be free if exercised in violation
of other fundamental human rights.
a very well informed and balanced article.... But it serves as an appetiser ...a little more elaboration along with some more practical references would be more satisfying... Any way a grt job u r doing dada by providing this kind of valuable information to us.
ReplyDeleteThank you, Manish. Yes, it is an appetiser for the main course, which will be my thesis, assuming of course that my doctoral committee lets me work on it. You are right, it does require more elaboration and more examples. The reason it is so short is because I had written it hoping that it might be published in the Open Page of 'The Hindu'. And in keeping with their word-limit of 700 words, I had restricted it to 600.
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